Delivers Graduation Speech at West Point
2002 Graduation Exercise of the United States Military Academy
West Point, New York
June 1, 2002
9:13 A.M. EDT
Thank you very much, General Lennox. Mr. Secretary, Governor Pataki, members
of the United States Congress, Academy staff and faculty, distinguished guests,
proud family members, and graduates: I want to thank you for your welcome. Laura
and I are especially honored to visit this great institution in your bicentennial
year.
In every corner of America, the words "West Point" command immediate
respect. This place where the Hudson River bends is more than a fine institution
of learning. The United States Military Academy is the guardian of values that
have shaped the soldiers who have shaped the history of the world.
A few of you have followed in the path of the perfect West Point graduate, Robert
E. Lee, who never received a single demerit in four years. Some of you followed
in the path of the imperfect graduate, Ulysses S. Grant, who had his fair share
of demerits, and said the happiest day of his life was "the day I left
West Point." (Laughter.) During my college years I guess you could say
I was -- (laughter.) During my college years I guess you could say I was a Grant
man. (Laughter.)
You walk in the tradition of Eisenhower and MacArthur, Patton and Bradley -
the commanders who saved a civilization. And you walk in the tradition of second
lieutenants who did the same, by fighting and dying on distant battlefields.
Graduates of this academy have brought creativity and courage to every field
of endeavor. West Point produced the chief engineer of the Panama Canal, the
mind behind the Manhattan Project, the first American to walk in space. This
fine institution gave us the man they say invented baseball, and other young
men over the years who perfected the game of football.
You know this, but many in America don't -- George C. Marshall, a VMI graduate,
is said to have given this order: "I want an officer for a secret and dangerous
mission. I want a West Point football player." (Applause.)
As you leave here today, I know there's one thing you'll never miss about this
place: Being a plebe. (Applause.) But even a plebe at West Point is made to
feel he or she has some standing in the world. (Laughter.) I'm told that plebes,
when asked whom they outrank, are required to answer this: "Sir, the Superintendent's
dog -- (laughter) -- the Commandant's cat, and all the admirals in the whole
damn Navy." (Applause.) I probably won't be sharing that with the Secretary
of the Navy. (Laughter.)
West Point is guided by tradition, and in honor of the "Golden Children
of the Corps," -- (applause) -- I will observe one of the traditions you
cherish most. As the Commander-in-Chief, I hereby grant amnesty to all cadets
who are on restriction for minor conduct offenses. (Applause.) Those of you
in the end zone might have cheered a little early. (Laughter.) Because, you
see, I'm going to let General Lennox define exactly what "minor" means.
(Laughter.)
Every West Point class is commissioned to the Armed Forces. Some West Point
classes are also commissioned by history, to take part in a great new calling
for their country. Speaking here to the class of 1942 -- six months after Pearl
Harbor -- General Marshall said, "We're determined that before the sun
sets on this terrible struggle, our flag will be recognized throughout the world
as a symbol of freedom on the one hand, and of overwhelming power on the other."
(Applause.)
Officers graduating that year helped fulfill that mission, defeating Japan and
Germany, and then reconstructing those nations as allies. West Point graduates
of the 1940s saw the rise of a deadly new challenge -- the challenge of imperial
communism -- and opposed it from Korea to Berlin, to Vietnam, and in the Cold
War, from beginning to end. And as the sun set on their struggle, many of those
West Point officers lived to see a world transformed.
History has also issued its call to your generation. In your last year, America
was attacked by a ruthless and resourceful enemy. You graduate from this Academy
in a time of war, taking your place in an American military that is powerful
and is honorable. Our war on terror is only begun, but in Afghanistan it was
begun well. (Applause.)
I am proud of the men and women who have fought on my orders. America is profoundly
grateful for all who serve the cause of freedom, and for all who have given
their lives in its defense. This nation respects and trusts our military, and
we are confident in your victories to come. (Applause.)
This war will take many turns we cannot predict. Yet I am certain of this: Wherever
we carry it, the American flag will stand not only for our power, but for freedom.
(Applause.) Our nation's cause has always been larger than our nation's defense.
We fight, as we always fight, for a just peace -- a peace that favors human
liberty. We will defend the peace against threats from terrorists and tyrants.
We will preserve the peace by building good relations among the great powers.
And we will extend the peace by encouraging free and open societies on every
continent.
Building this just peace is America's opportunity, and America's duty. From
this day forward, it is your challenge, as well, and we will meet this challenge
together. (Applause.) You will wear the uniform of a great and unique country.
America has no empire to extend or utopia to establish. We wish for others only
what we wish for ourselves -- safety from violence, the rewards of liberty,
and the hope for a better life.
In defending the peace, we face a threat with no precedent. Enemies in the past
needed great armies and great industrial capabilities to endanger the American
people and our nation. The attacks of September the 11th required a few hundred
thousand dollars in the hands of a few dozen evil and deluded men. All of the
chaos and suffering they caused came at much less than the cost of a single
tank. The dangers have not passed. This government and the American people are
on watch, we are ready, because we know the terrorists have more money and more
men and more plans.
The gravest danger to freedom lies at the perilous crossroads of radicalism
and technology. When the spread of chemical and biological and nuclear weapons,
along with ballistic missile technology -- when that occurs, even weak states
and small groups could attain a catastrophic power to strike great nations.
Our enemies have declared this very intention, and have been caught seeking
these terrible weapons. They want the capability to blackmail us, or to harm
us, or to harm our friends -- and we will oppose them with all our power. (Applause.)
For much of the last century, America's defense relied on the Cold War doctrines
of deterrence and containment. In some cases, those strategies still apply.
But new threats also require new thinking. Deterrence -- the promise of massive
retaliation against nations -- means nothing against shadowy terrorist networks
with no nation or citizens to defend. Containment is not possible when unbalanced
dictators with weapons of mass destruction can deliver those weapons on missiles
or secretly provide them to terrorist allies.
We cannot defend America and our friends by hoping for the best. We cannot put
our faith in the word of tyrants, who solemnly sign non-proliferation treaties,
and then systemically break them. If we wait for threats to fully materialize,
we will have waited too long. (Applause.)
Homeland defense and missile defense are part of stronger security, and they're
essential priorities for America. Yet the war on terror will not be won on the
defensive. We must take the battle to the enemy, disrupt his plans, and confront
the worst threats before they emerge. (Applause.) In the world we have entered,
the only path to safety is the path of action. And this nation will act. (Applause.)
Our security will require the best intelligence, to reveal threats hidden in
caves and growing in laboratories. Our security will require modernizing domestic
agencies such as the FBI, so they're prepared to act, and act quickly, against
danger. Our security will require transforming the military you will lead --
a military that must be ready to strike at a moment's notice in any dark corner
of the world. And our security will require all Americans to be forward-looking
and resolute, to be ready for preemptive action when necessary to defend our
liberty and to defend our lives. (Applause.)
The work ahead is difficult. The choices we will face are complex. We must uncover
terror cells in 60 or more countries, using every tool of finance, intelligence
and law enforcement. Along with our friends and allies, we must oppose proliferation
and confront regimes that sponsor terror, as each case requires. Some nations
need military training to fight terror, and we'll provide it. Other nations
oppose terror, but tolerate the hatred that leads to terror -- and that must
change. (Applause.) We will send diplomats where they are needed, and we will
send you, our soldiers, where you're needed. (Applause.)
All nations that decide for aggression and terror will pay a price. We will
not leave the safety of America and the peace of the planet at the mercy of
a few mad terrorists and tyrants. (Applause.) We will lift this dark threat
from our country and from the world.
Because the war on terror will require resolve and patience, it will also require
firm moral purpose. In this way our struggle is similar to the Cold War. Now,
as then, our enemies are totalitarians, holding a creed of power with no place
for human dignity. Now, as then, they seek to impose a joyless conformity, to
control every life and all of life.
America confronted imperial communism in many different ways -- diplomatic,
economic, and military. Yet moral clarity was essential to our victory in the
Cold War. When leaders like John F. Kennedy and Ronald Reagan refused to gloss
over the brutality of tyrants, they gave hope to prisoners and dissidents and
exiles, and rallied free nations to a great cause.
Some worry that it is somehow undiplomatic or impolite to speak the language
of right and wrong. I disagree. (Applause.) Different circumstances require
different methods, but not different moralities. (Applause.) Moral truth is
the same in every culture, in every time, and in every place. Targeting innocent
civilians for murder is always and everywhere wrong. (Applause.) Brutality against
women is always and everywhere wrong. (Applause.) There can be no neutrality
between justice and cruelty, between the innocent and the guilty. We are in
a conflict between good and evil, and America will call evil by its name. (Applause.)
By confronting evil and lawless regimes, we do not create a problem, we reveal
a problem. And we will lead the world in opposing it. (Applause.)
As we defend the peace, we also have an historic opportunity to preserve the
peace. We have our best chance since the rise of the nation state in the 17th
century to build a world where the great powers compete in peace instead of
prepare for war. The history of the last century, in particular, was dominated
by a series of destructive national rivalries that left battlefields and graveyards
across the Earth. Germany fought France, the Axis fought the Allies, and then
the East fought the West, in proxy wars and tense standoffs, against a backdrop
of nuclear Armageddon.
Competition between great nations is inevitable, but armed conflict in our world
is not. More and more, civilized nations find ourselves on the same side --
united by common dangers of terrorist violence and chaos. America has, and intends
to keep, military strengths beyond challenge -- (applause) -- thereby, making
the destabilizing arms races of other eras pointless, and limiting rivalries
to trade and other pursuits of peace.
Today the great powers are also increasingly united by common values, instead
of divided by conflicting ideologies. The United States, Japan and our Pacific
friends, and now all of Europe, share a deep commitment to human freedom, embodied
in strong alliances such as NATO. And the tide of liberty is rising in many
other nations.
Generations of West Point officers planned and practiced for battles with Soviet
Russia. I've just returned from a new Russia, now a country reaching toward
democracy, and our partner in the war against terror. (Applause.) Even in China,
leaders are discovering that economic freedom is the only lasting source of
national wealth. In time, they will find that social and political freedom is
the only true source of national greatness. (Applause.)
When the great powers share common values, we are better able to confront serious
regional conflicts together, better able to cooperate in preventing the spread
of violence or economic chaos. In the past, great power rivals took sides in
difficult regional problems, making divisions deeper and more complicated. Today,
from the Middle East to South Asia, we are gathering broad international coalitions
to increase the pressure for peace. We must build strong and great power relations
when times are good; to help manage crisis when times are bad. America needs
partners to preserve the peace, and we will work with every nation that shares
this noble goal. (Applause.)
And finally, America stands for more than the absence of war. We have a great
opportunity to extend a just peace, by replacing poverty, repression, and resentment
around the world with hope of a better day. Through most of history, poverty
was persistent, inescapable, and almost universal. In the last few decades,
we've seen nations from Chile to South Korea build modern economies and freer
societies, lifting millions of people out of despair and want. And there's no
mystery to this achievement.
The 20th century ended with a single surviving model of human progress, based
on non-negotiable demands of human dignity, the rule of law, limits on the power
of the state, respect for women and private property and free speech and equal
justice and religious tolerance. America cannot impose this vision -- yet we
can support and reward governments that make the right choices for their own
people. In our development aid, in our diplomatic efforts, in our international
broadcasting, and in our educational assistance, the United States will promote
moderation and tolerance and human rights. And we will defend the peace that
makes all progress possible.
When it comes to the common rights and needs of men and women, there is no clash
of civilizations. The requirements of freedom apply fully to Africa and Latin
America and the entire Islamic world. The peoples of the Islamic nations want
and deserve the same freedoms and opportunities as people in every nation. And
their governments should listen to their hopes. (Applause.)
A truly strong nation will permit legal avenues of dissent for all groups that
pursue their aspirations without violence. An advancing nation will pursue economic
reform, to unleash the great entrepreneurial energy of its people. A thriving
nation will respect the rights of women, because no society can prosper while
denying opportunity to half its citizens. Mothers and fathers and children across
the Islamic world, and all the world, share the same fears and aspirations.
In poverty, they struggle. In tyranny, they suffer. And as we saw in Afghanistan,
in liberation they celebrate. (Applause.)
America has a greater objective than controlling threats and containing resentment.
We will work for a just and peaceful world beyond the war on terror.
The bicentennial class of West Point now enters this drama. With all in the
United States Army, you will stand between your fellow citizens and grave danger.
You will help establish a peace that allows millions around the world to live
in liberty and to grow in prosperity. You will face times of calm, and times
of crisis. And every test will find you prepared -- because you're the men and
women of West Point. (Applause.) You leave here marked by the character of this
Academy, carrying with you the highest ideals of our nation.
Toward the end of his life, Dwight Eisenhower recalled the first day he stood
on the plain at West Point. "The feeling came over me," he said, "that
the expression 'the United States of America' would now and henceforth mean
something different than it had ever before. From here on, it would be the nation
I would be serving, not myself."
Today, your last day at West Point, you begin a life of service in a career
unlike any other. You've answered a calling to hardship and purpose, to risk
and honor. At the end of every day you will know that you have faithfully done
your duty. May you always bring to that duty the high standards of this great
American institution. May you always be worthy of the long gray line that stretches
two centuries behind you.
On behalf of the nation, I congratulate each one of you for the commission you've
earned and for the credit you bring to the United States of America. May God
bless you all. (Applause.)